BCEAO Bank Malian Headquarters is the tallest building in Mali. Unique for its Neo-Sudanic architecture, the tower is modeled on the Sudano-Sahelian architecture of the famous Mosques of Djenné and Timbuktu. It’s exterior surface matches surrounding soil giving the tower the appearance said to resemble an anthillordesert mirage.
Looking at traditional Yoruba architecture while I work on concept art for chapter 2. Support Itan: part one today by visiting www.Itanproject.com and pre-order your copy today!
Oualata (also known as “Walata”), located in Southeast Mauritania, is one town out of a string of 4 in total, coined by UNESCO as the Ksour (ksar - singular, ksour - plural; a Maghrebi Arabic term meaning “fortified village”) of Ouadane, Chinguetti, Tichitt and Oualata. The city of Oualata became a popular caravan city, a trading hub, between the 12th and 16th centuries CE. [1] Today it is renowned for its decorative vernacular houses.
The medieval Moroccan traveler and scholar, Ibn Battuta, wrote of his stay in Oualata in his Travels in Asia and Africa 1325-1354, saying:
“Thus we reached the town of Iwalatan [Walata] after a journey from Sijilmasa of two months to a day. Iwalatan is the northernmost province of the Negroes, and the sultan’s representative there was one Farba Husayn, ‘farba’ meaning deputy [in their Ianguage]. When we arrived there, the merchants deposited their goods in an open square, where the blacks undertook to guard them, and went to the farba. He was sitting on a carpet under an archway, with his guards before him carrying lances and bows in their hands, and the headmen of the Massufa behind him. The merchants remained standing in front of him while he spoke to them through an interpreter, although they were close to him, to show his contempt for them. It was then that I repented of having come to their country, because of their lack of manners and their contempt for the whites.
…Later on the mushrif [inspector] of Iwalatan, whose name was Mansha Ju, invited all those who had come with the caravan to partake of his hospitality. At first I refused to attend, but my companions urged me very strongly, so I went with the rest. The repast was served–some pounded millet mixed with a little honey and milk, put in a half calabash shaped like a large bowl. The guests drank and retired. I said to them, ‘Was it for this that the black invited us?’ They answered, ‘Yes; and it is in their opinion the highest form of hospitality.’ This convinced me that there was no good to be hoped for from these people, and I made up my mind to travel [back to Morocco at once] with the pilgrim caravan from Iwalatan. Afterwards, however, I thought it best to go to see the capital of their king [of the kingdom of Mali, at the city of Mali].”
He seems to have met an hateful sentiment against “white” North Africans from someone within the city. Nonetheless, he did not hate the blacks. Also by his own account (and as seen in the next excerpt), this city was inhabited by the Masufa Berbers, a tribe not known much about. The demographics of Oualata, being mostly black, could mean the Masufa are one of the few heavily black Berber tribes (the main most notably being Tuareg people), or they simply could have been the typical “white” Berbers.
University of Georgia historian Timothy Cleaveland notes in his book Becoming Walata: A History of Saharan Social Formation and Transformation (2002), on page 176, that the city was inhabited by a mix of the original Mande-speaking peoples (also inhabited by Soninke people as well), and later migrations of Zenaga-speaking Berbers, followed even further down the line by Arab or “Arabized” nomads. Although, he notes that the composition of the population didn’t change very much. [2]
The famous Israeli historian and expert of African Islamic history Nehemia Levtzion says in his book Ancient Ghana and Mali (1973) on page 147 that “Walata” had a mixed population of [”white”] Berbers and “Sudanese”; blacks. On pages 80 and 158, we read that it fell from its trading popularity to the city of Timbuktu in the second half of the 14th century. [3]
This is what Ibn Battuta had to say of his stay in the city of Oualata, its men and the quality of their women:
“My stay at Iwalatan lasted about fifty days; and I was shown honor and entertained by its inhabitants. It is an excessively hot place, and boasts a few small date-palms, in the shade of which they sow watermelons. Its water comes from underground waterbeds at that point, and there is plenty of mutton to be had. The garments of its inhabitants, most of whom belong to the Massufa tribe, are of fine Egyptian fabrics.
Their women are of surpassing beauty, and are shown more respect than the men. The state of affairs amongst these people is indeed extraordinary. Their men show no signs of jealousy whatever; no one claims descent from his father, but on the contrary from his mother’s brother. A person’s heirs are his sister’s sons, not his own sons. This is a thing which I have seen nowhere in the world except among the Indians of Malabar. But those are heathens; these people are Muslims, punctilious in observing the hours of prayer, studying books of law, and memorizing the Koran. Yet their women show no bashfulness before men and do not veil themselves, though they are assiduous in attending the prayers. Any man who wishes to marry one of them may do so, but they do not travel with their husbands, and even if one desired to do so her family would not allow her to go.
The women there have ‘friends’ and ‘companions’ amongst the men outside their own families, and the men in the same way have ‘companions’ amongst the women of other families. A man may go into his house and find his wife entertaining her ‘companion’ but he takes no objection to it. One day at Iwalatan I went into the qadi’s house, after asking his permission to enter, and found with him a young woman of remarkable beauty. When I saw her I was shocked and turned to go out, but she laughed at me, instead of being overcome by shame, and the qadi said to me ‘Why are you going out? She is my companion.’ I was amazed at their conduct, for he was a theologian and a pilgrim [to Mecca] to boot. I was told that he had asked the sultan’s permission to make the pilgrimage that year with his ‘companion’–whether this one or not I cannot say–but the sultan would not grant it.”
In a quite hilarious situation, Battuta is surprised by this beautiful woman and attempts to flee like a nervous boy. And he does end up leaving the city of Oualata, in frustration, for Mali to see the king, and notes that it takes 24 days to reach if the caravan pushes on rapidly. [4]
Citation 4 is the text provided by Fordham University’s IHSP.
The renowned 15th-16th century Moroccan Berber-Andalusi writer, Leo Africanus, notes in his Descrittione dell’Africathat:
“The fourth part of Africa which is called the land of Negros, beginneth eastward at the kingdome of Gaoga, from whence it extendeth west as far as Gualata.” (pg 124)
“I* my selfe saw fifteene kingdoms of the Negros: howbeit there are many more, which although I saw not with mine owne eies, yet are they by the Negros sufficiently knowen and frequented. Their names there fore (beginning from the west, and so proceeding Eastward and Southward) are these following: Gualata, Ghinea, Melli, Tombuto, Gago, Guber, Agadez, Cano, Cafena, Zegzeg, Zanfara, Guangara, Borno, Gaogo, Nube.” (pg 128) [5]
The last two citations are unrelated pieces written to explain what exactly this “Gaoga” kingdom was, seeing that it isn’t written of otherwise, for anyone interested.
The beautiful ancient city of Oualata, Mauritania remains a notable tourist attraction today. An hour-long documentary was made about the muralist women of Oualata who decorate these houses, titled “En attandant les hommes”, in 2007 by director Katy Ndiaye.
Seewww.walata.org if you plan to visit. Below are some extra pictures of the city (one of them shows muralists at work). Enjoy.
5. Leo Africanus, The History and Description of Africa and of the Notable Things Therein Contained: Volume 1, pgs 124 and 128, published by B. Franklin, 1896
I must first admit that I find myself guilty of holding this anti-Christian narrative in the past, but as of now, with all I’ve learned, this is one of the narratives from the “Black Consciousness Movement” that irks me to no end. Nor is it appropriate for us to associate ourselves with Nubian lineage, as the people of Nubia today are still recognized as the same people; somewhat likely the Nuba and other Nilotic or Nilo-Saharan peoples including Sudanese, Southern Egyptian, and Kenyan peoples. [1] [2]
You can clearly tell the difference between a man from South Sudan and a man from Nigeria. But I wish not to rant about racial collectivism and identity at this moment. Before I start, just in case anyone was wondering, here is a clear image of the painting:
King Taharqa Leads His Queens
Gregory Manchess
Digital mural (d. 5100px x 3291px)
Photo by National Geographic Creative, 2011
“King Taharqa leads his queens (called Candaces or Kandakes) through a crowd during a festival.” [3]
I won’t go into the entirety of African Christian history in this blog (it is merely the start), but since the meme here includes a painting of the Nubian Pharaoh of the 25th dynasty, Taharqa (who is also a very significant figure mentioned in the Bible), that is what I will focus on. And seeing that this is even serious, I’d even assume the creator and those who have spread this, including myself in the past, are unaware of the painting’s details.
The three most notable Christian kingdoms of Nubia include Nobatia, Makuria, and Alodia; another, though very small, being Dotawo.
“And men of Nubia be Christian, but they be as black as the Moors for great heat of the sun.” – (I will also elaborate more on Moorish identity later)
The Travels of Sir John Mandevile, pg 31
Disputed–French or English (c. 14th-15th century) [4]
Nobatia
The conversion of the Nubians to Christianity began during the reign of Empress Theodora of Byzantinium (c. 500-June 28, 548 CE), through her missionary, Presbyter Julian. [5] [6] Nobatia became the first Christian Nubian kingdom to be established (c. 500-540 CE) under the reign of King Silko, or “Basiliskos” of the Nobatae, who converted specifically to Monophysite Christianity.
“At some point in the 6th century King Silko (q.v.) declared himself king of the Nobatae after defeating the Blemmyes, who had been his rivals in Lower Nubia. This was done in the name of his singular God, thus making him the founding Christian king of Nubia … Julian was a Monophysite missionary sent by Empress Theodora to compete with other missionaries sent by Justinian.”
“During the years 543-569 CE, the first Monophysite Christian kingdoms were organized in Nubia. In 543 CE, Faras (q.v.) was established as the capital of Nobatia.” [7]
“Blemmyes” is hyperlinked if you’d like to read my blog on “Vom Antichrist and the Aethiopian Blemmyae”; it regards the Moors as well. Silkos recorded his triumph over the infamous Blemmyes in a Greek inscription carved on the wall of the Temple of Talmis (Kalabsha in Arabic), a temple dedicated to Mandulis, the Nubian equivalent of the Egyptian Horus located near modern-day Aswan, Egypt.
Makuria
Another Christian kingdom of Nubia was Makuria. In a letter to Empress Theodora, the king of Nobatia tells her of his attempts to send Bishop Longinus (566-580 CE) to the Blemmyes. Known for their harshness and animosity towards foreigners, the conversion of the Blemmyes was a challenge to the bishop. In any case, the Blemmyes eventually converted to Christianity, in the same century. Shortly afterwards, the royal house of Makuria converted. [8]
The 6th century Syriac Church historian, John of Ephesus, wrote of them as being hostile to Monophysite missionaries headed to Alodia. Unlike Nobatia, Makuria subscribed to the “rival” Melkite Greek Catholic Church, as recorded by the 6th-7th century Visigothic chronicler, John of Biclarum. [9]
Speaking of Longinus, the Bishop of the Nobatae:
“Julian’s Monophysite successor of the missionizing of Nubia was Longinus, who visited the area in 569 CE, when he recognized Dongola as the capital of Makkura.” [10]
Fragmented pages of “Liber Institutionis Michaelis Archangeli” in its Old Nubian translation
Qasr Ibrim, Egypt (Makurian, c. 9th-10th century)
The British Museum
The name of Michael is seen in red.
Makuria later absorbed Nobatia, which would explain why this manuscript is associated with Makuria, even though it appears to be from Nobatian territory on the basic map of Christian Nubia (you can read on its contents on JSTOR through citation 12). [11] [12]
Alodia
The last of the three main Christian kingdoms of Nubia to be organized was Alodia, or “Alwa”. Alodia, another Monophysite Christian kingdom, was said to be the most powerful kingdom of the major three. Out of the three, in regards to its documentation, I personally find Alodia to be the most interesting.
Speaking of Longinus’s missions in Alodia, post-Nobatia:
“He extended his missionary work as far south as the kingdom of Alwa. By 579 CE, Alwa (q.v.) was probably converted to Christianity, and its capital was established at Soba (q.v).”[13]
The Syriac Church historian, John of Ephesus, reports in his Ecclesiastical History about Longinus and the kingdom of Alodia: [14]
“… and Longinus had travelled still further onward, beyond the people of the Nobadæ, to whom he had some time be fore returned, to another powerful tribe many score leagues beyond them, whom the Greeks call Alodæi, and who are supposed to be Æthio-pians : but God had helped them, and spoken to their king and his princes, and to all the tribes under his rule, as we will in due time relate in order.” (pg 314)
“… when the Alexandrians learnt that the king of the Alodæi had despatched a second embassy to the king of the Nobadæ, requesting him to let them have the same Longinus who had taught him, in envy, and not in zeal, they sent to that people, in the hope of setting them against Longinus, and of teaching them the same corruption and lawlessness of which they were themselves guilty. Accordingly, they hurriedly drew up a letter to them against Longinus, without fear of God, or regard for justice, being drunk, as it were, with envy, and the hatred that was in their hearts, and not reflecting that it was a wrong thing to send to a people in the error of heathenism, and who now were asking to be converted unto Christianity, and to learn the fear of God,” (pg 317)
“Meanwhile the king of the Alodæi had, as we have mentioned, sent a second embassy to the king of the Nobadæ, requesting that the bishop Longinus might be sent to teach and baptize both him and his people : and it was plainly visible that the conversion of that kingdom was the good purpose of the grace of God. The Lord therefore stirred up the spirit of Longinus to go to them ; and though the Nubians were grieved at being separated from him, they nevertheless sent with him nobles and princes and men well acquainted with the desert.” (pg 319)
I find these sections (pg 317, 319) most interesting, seeing that Alodians requested missionaries to convert them, rather than the common anti-Christian narrative from the “Black Consciousness Movement” that Christianity has always been force-fed to Africans, or that Christian missionaries from Europe “deceived” people into conversion.
Moving on, John of Ephesus goes on to say:
“… for between the Nobadæ and the Alodæi is a country inhabited by another people, called the Makoritæ ; and when their king heard that Longinus had started on his journey, Satan in his envy stirred him up to set watchers in all the passes of his kingdom on all the roads, both in the mountains and in the plains, as far as the sea of weeds e, in hopes of arresting Longinus, and so hindering the salvation of the powerful people of the Alodæi. But God preserved him, and blinded the eyes of those who wanted to seize him ; and he passed through them, and went on his way, and they saw him v not. And on his arrival at the borders of the kingdom to which he was travelling, the king, as he tells us in his letters, on hearing of it, sent one of his nobles to meet him, named Aitekia, who received him honourably, and made him pass over into their land with great pomp : and on approaching nearer, the king went out in per son to meet him, and received him with great joy. And immediately upon his arrival, he spake unto the king and to all his nobles the word of God, and they opened their understandings, and listened with joy to what he said; and after a few days’ instruction, both the king himself was baptized and all his nobles ; and subsequently, in [the] process of time, his people also.” (pg 319-320)
On page 322, the king’s noble, “Aitekia”, sent to John of Ephesus is identified as a princess, in this case her name is spelled “Itika”. This section is also sourced through citation [15], but the site is unfortunately no longer open for the public and has likely been moved to a private location.
Citation 13 is hyperlinked for those interested in reading the free e-book through Google Books. With that being said, I think I’ve made my point, and this is only one case where I will refute this pseudo-historical anti-Christian propaganda. Christian Nubia was a beautiful period and one of strong relations between Europeans and Africans, as the early history between blacks and whites shows to almost always have been the case.
If you’d like to read about the downfall of this period (which was followed by Islamization), refer to citation [16] for a JSTOR record of “The Downfall of the Christian Nubian Kingdoms”, by Mustafa M. Musad, from Sudan Notes and Records Vol. 40 (1959), pp. 124-128, published by the University of Khartoum, Sudan.
Extras:
For the remainder of this blog, enjoy some pictures and info of archaeological sites, artwork, and artifacts from Christian Nubia…
Nubian king’s crown from the intermediate period between Meroitic and Christian Nubia.
Aswan, Egypt (Lower Nubia, c. 350-600 CE)
Found in Tomb 118 of the Ballana cemetery, a complex of 122 tombs covered by large mounds, excavated by the British Egyptologist, Walter Bryan Emery, between 1928 and 1931. [17]
I added the crown just because it was included in my research of Makuria.
Interior of the Church of Archangel Raphael
Old Dongola, Sudan (Makurian, c. 8th-9th century CE)
Archives of the Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology, photo from excavations by a UNESCO-led team at the University of Warsaw. [18]
Ruins of the Citadel in Dongola
Old Dongola, Sudan (Makurian, approximate date unknown)
Excavated in 2008 by the Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology at the University of Warsaw. The site included a palace and a cruciform (cross-shaped) commemorative structure (more than likely a church dedicated to the Archangel Michael or Raphael). [19]
You can read a bit more from PCMA’s discoveries between 2012 and 2014 at citation [20].
Pictures of a separate excavation of the upper church at Banganarti, Sudan, also called the Upper Church, including a 3D layout. This church was also dedicated to the Archangel Raphael. PCMA was also behind its excavation (2007). [21]
Four of the Apostles
Banganarti, Sudan (likely Makurian, c. 11th century CE)
The Upper Church [21]
A Nubian king protected by Archangel Rafael(?) and accompanied by apostles.
Banganarti, Sudan (likely Makurian, c. 11th century CE), painting from one of the chapels
The Upper Church [21]
“This depiction of the Harrowing of Hell, drawn in the ninth century, is considered to be the ‘masterpiece’ of the lower church artwork. It depicts Jesus entering the underworld so that he can trample Hades (Sheol) and rescue the first born. The figures below, in torment, are known as the ‘common dead.’”
Banganarti, Sudan (likely Makurian, c. 9th century CE)
The Lower Church[22]
Here’s some artwork from the PCMA excavations, on display since 1964:
An unspecified Archangel
Faras, Sudan (Makurian, c. 9th-10th century CE)
National Museum in Warsaw, Poland [23]
Bishop Petros with Saint Peter
Faras, Sudan (Makurian, c. 974-997 CE)
National Museum in Warsaw, Poland [23]
Bishop Marianos with the Virgin Mary and Christ
Faras, Sudan (Makurian, c. 1005-1036 CE)
National Museum in Warsaw, Poland [23]
Around 120 paintings from Faras were preserved, 67 of them being displayed in the National Museum in Warsaw. I couldn’t find exact details on this next set, however. But here you go:
As said, I’ve found no exact details for these paintings. They might not even be from Faras but, that’s fine!
“Fragments of the frieze from the apse of the first cathedral”–Sandstone block decorated with relief representation of birds, altars and columns.
Faras, Sudan (Makurian, c. Early 7th century CE)
National Museum in Warsaw, Poland [23]
Exhibit model of the Faras cathedral
National Museum in Warsaw, Poland
“Our goal was to recreate, using simple and, in a way, timeless architectural solutions, the mood of the historical sacral interior of an early Christian temple. We were also keen to avoid literal references to the architecture of the Faras cathedral,” said Miroslaw Orzechowski and Grzegorz Rytel, architects and authors of the new exhibition design. [24]
You can see more pictures from the museum at citation 24.
Ruins of the Church of Granite Columns
Old Dongola, Sudan (Makurian, 7th century CE)
The church was highlighted by 16 columns with elaborately decorated granite capitals. The last picture is a proposed layout. [25] [26]
And last, but not least…
The Throne Hall of Dongola
Old Dongola, Sudan (Makurian, c. 9th-10th century CE)
This throne hall, which is also known as the so-called “Mosque Building”, sits just a couple hundred feet away from the ruins of the Church of Granite Columns and can be seen from the Nile. It was eventually converted to a Muslim mosque. [27]
Citation 27 is a PDF with tons of information (including its general history, artworks, pictures & drawings, blueprints, and artifacts) about the “mosque building” from the University of Warsaw’s Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology.
6. G. Vantini, Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia (Heidelburg and Warsaw: Polish Academy of Sciences and Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1975)
7. Richard A. Lobban Jr., Historical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval Nubia, pg 286, 2003
Reblogging my first larger-scale research project on here (specifically on Tumblr; I did plenty of massive-scale research projects in high school that I shared on my old Instagram account) because my bum ass still has not fixed my laptop screen. Carving out time to blog and start new research projects right now would be difficult either way. Bare with me. Gonna reblog some more of my best posts later as well.
Btw thanks for 4,600 followers in less than a year of active blogging; more like a few months really.
The Art of Africa is a casualty of colonial exploitation, surviving principally in the museums of other countries. ~ Nadine Gordimer
“My objective in this work is to document an extraordinary art form - vernacular art and architecture in West Africa - that is not transportable and therefore not seen in museums around the world. It is an attempt to capture the unseen Africa, a glimpse into the homes and into the spirit of very proud and dignified peoples. In much the same way as I photographed the art of Ndebele women, I have drawn on my personal affinity for the art itself, for methods, design and form, rather than the socio-anthropological or political realities of a people or continent in dilemma. These images portray a unique tradition of Africa, a celebration of an indigenous rural culture in which the women are the artists and the home her canvas.”
I made a similar blog post to this a while back, about the vernacular architecture of Oualata/Walata, Mauritania (in fact, the second and last photos are of Oualata).
You can read it here (not sure why, but when I format the link to my post in that text, it keeps redirecting to some old blog for whatever reason):
Looking at traditional Yoruba architecture while I work on concept art for chapter 2. Support Itan: part one today by visiting www.Itanproject.com and pre-order your copy today!
